Wednesday, April 12, 2017

The divide that never was - Sardar Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru relationship


Any Nehru-Patel differences have been deliberately exaggerated by partisan interests. In truth, they shared a close bond that overrode the differences Photo: The Hindu Archives   | Photo Credit: HINDU PHOTO ARCHIVES
Nehru and Patel were in fact not rivals but comrades and co-workers. They worked closely together in the Congress from the 1920s to 1947; and even more closely together thereafter, as prime minister and deputy prime minister in the first government of free India.

Independence and Partition, Nehru and Patel worked shoulder-to-shoulder in building a united and democratic nation.
Nehru and Patel shared a deep love of their country, an abiding commitment to its unity, and, not least, a sense that they owed it to the memory of their common Master, Mahatma Gandhi, to work together, and to work ferociously hard too. For, as AS Iyengar’s All Through the Gandhian Era, published in 1950 remarked: “Both are untiring workers, allowing themselves practically no rest, either physical or mental.”
Nehru and Patel often disagreed, and furiously so. But such was the beauty of the relationship that they rarely kept a secret from each other. They wrote to each other almost every other day, expressing their doubts and differences honestly and openly, and concluding in the end that their mutual affection and regard outweighed any difference they felt with regard to state policy. In their letters, the two great men agonized over the rumors surrounding their relationship and the constant attempts to create a divide between them.
Patel, hurt by allegations that he could not protect the Mahatma, offered to resign only to have Nehru reject it. 
"... In my last letter I had expressed the hope that, in spite of certain differences of opinion and temperament, we should continue to pull together as we had done for so long. This was, I am glad to find, Bapu's final opinion also...Anyway, in the crisis that we have to face now after Bapu's death, I think it is my duty and, if I may venture to say, yours also, for us to face it together as friends and colleagues." Nehru also told Patel that the talk of a rift between the two had become 'whispers and rumours' and even reached foreign ambassadors and correspondents. 'Mischief-makers take advantage of this," Nehru wrote.
By April 1948, the differences between the two had resolved to the extent that a tired Nehru wrote to out-of-town Patel: 
"I feel your absence greatly. There are so many serious problems cropping up continually about which I would like to consult you." 
The regard and affection Patel felt for Nehru are best captured in the tribute he paid Nehru on the latter’s 60th birthday which fell on November 14, 1949. This forms part of a volume, Nehru: Abhinandan Granth, put together by an editorial board consisting of such men of eminence as Rajendra Prasad, Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan and Purushottamdas Tandon. 
In the tribute, Patel writes
“our mutual affection that has increased as years have advanced.” Further, “ ... it is difficult for people to imagine how much we miss each other when we are apart and unable to take counsel together in order to resolve our problems and difficulties. This familiarity, nearness, intimacy and brotherly affection make it difficult for me to sum him up for public appreciation, but, then the idol of the nation, the leader of the people, the Prime Minister of the country, and the hero of the masses, whose noble record and great achievements are an open book, hardly needs any commendation from me ...”

On Nehru being chosen Prime Minister, Patel says: “… it was in the fitness of things that in the twilight preceding the dawn of independence he should have been our leading light, and that when India was faced with crisis after crisis, following the achievement of our freedom, he should have been the upholder of our faith and the leader of our legions. No one knows better than myself how much he has laboured for his country in the last two years of our difficult existence …. As one older in years, it has been my privilege to tender advice to him on the manifold problems with which we have been faced in both administrative and organisational fields. I have always found him willing to seek and ready to take it ...”

Patel then emphatically dismisses all suggestions of a great divide between the two: Contrary to impressions created by some interested persons and eagerly accepted in credulous circles, we have worked together as lifelong friends and colleagues, adjusting ourselves to each other’s point of view as the occasion demanded and valuing each other’s advice as only those who have confidence in each other can ...”
“Idol of the nation;” “hero of the masses;” “upholder of our faith and the leader of our legions” — these are Patel’s own words for Nehru, and he said all this in November 1949 well after the crisis of Hyderabad.

Within an hour of Patel’s death on December 15, 1950, Nehru made a statement to Parliament which said: 

“… [E]arly this morning, he had a relapse and the story of his great life ended. It is a great story, as all of us know, as the whole country knows, and history will record it in many pages. But perhaps to many of us here he will be remembered as a great captain of our forces in the struggle for freedom and as one who gave us sound advice in times of trouble as well as in moments of victory, as a friend and colleague on whom one could invariably rely, as a tower of strength which revived wavering hearts when were in trouble … I who have sat here on this bench side by side with him for these several years will feel rather forlorn and a certain emptiness will steal upon me when I look to his empty bench ...”






Tuesday, April 11, 2017

Feroze Gandhi- A forgotten patriot

FEROZE GANDHI, an active participant in India's struggle for freedom, died on September 8, 1960 at the comparatively young age of 48 years at the Willington Nursing Home, now Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia Hospital. Born in a Parsi family at Allahabad, he had his early education in City Anglo-Vernacular High School and Ewing Christian College. Later he also studied at London School of Economics. Jawaharlal Nehru had also studies there earlier.
He had his political training and entry into public life at Allahabad. He abandoned his studies in 1930 and joined the freedom struggle.
Feroze was a regular visitor to Anand Bhawan the Nehru home. He was with Indira and Jawaharlal Nehru at Kamala Nehru's bedside in a sanatorium near Lausanne in Switzerland when she died.


Feroze Gandhi, and Indira Nehru married in March 1942 according to Hindu rituals.
Feroze married Indira on March 26, 1942 at Anand Bhawan. They attended the historic 1942 session of the A.I.C.C. at Bombay where the Quit India Resolution was moved. In the early hours of August 9 all top Congress leaders were arrested and Congress was declared an unlawful organisation.
From Bombay, Feroze and Indira returned to Allahabad and plunged into the Quit India Movement. An arrest warrant was issued but Feroze had gone underground. Both evaded arrest and hid themselves.
Feroze and Indira were arrested together on September, 10 and sent to Allahabad's Naini Central Prison. Feroze was sentenced to one year's rigorous imprisonment and to a fine of Rs. 200. In 1946 he assumed charge as Managing Director of the National Herald at Lucknow.
Feroze was elected to the Lok Sabha from Rae Bareli in Uttar Pradesh. Feroze was one of the most popular Members of Indian Parliament and this is amply proved by the rich tributes that were paid to Feroze on his death.And it was as an effective and accomplished parliamentarian that Feroze was destined to shine.
The earliest distinction came with the dynamic role he played in exposing the L.I.C. - Mundhra scandal. He spoke in Lok Sabha rarely but whenever he spoke he was always listened to with great attention and his carefully prepared speech received wide publicity.
Hari Das Mundhra was prosecuted and convicted for embezzlement and sentenced to imprisonment. When he died on September 8, 1960 rich tributes were paid by the then speaker, M.A. Ayyappan, the Vice-President Dr. S. Radhakrishna and Jawaharlal Nehru.
I met him twice in 1959 and 1960, first in the Central Hall of Parliament at the sofa which then used to be lovingly known as `Feroze Corner' and then at his New Delhi residence on Jantar Mantar Lane. He spoke little but was outspoken and a good conversationalist. He appeared to be a sworn enemy of corruption and inefficiency. His main concern was to provide a clean government to the people.
Public dishonesty and corruption attracted his wrath. He was a firm believer in value — based politics. He condemned corruption with a sincerity of feeling that revealed his own character. In many ways, his keenly critical mind was a hindrance to him in politics. That Feroze on the floor of the Lok Sabha unhesitatingly criticised the evil of the ruling political party of which he was a member has deep meaning.
Feroze's contributions were many and in a comparatively short period of time, he made his mark in various spheres as a political and social worker, a parliamentarian and a journalist. His work in the field of the Indian press, journalism and its freedom has been no less outstanding. Healthy journalism was a great ideal to him. He believed that without an independent and fearless press all over the country, democracy could not be safe.
It is only in the fitness of things that a grateful people should perpetuate his memory. He wanted to root out and eradicate corruption and inefficiency. His contribution to India's Parliamentary life has been of great value. His memory will be best perpetuated by sincerely furthering and popularising the causes and worthy ideals which he espoused during his lifetime and thereby to make his dreams a reality.
Nehru with Rajiv Gandhi and Indira Gandhi after the death of Feroze Gandhi.


The cruel hands of death is no respecter of persons. It prematurely snatched away from us Feroze depriving the country of the services of a selfless patriot and an able parliamentarian from whom so much more could be expected in the years to come.

By SATYA PRAKASH MALAVIYA former Union Cabinet Minister.
You can read the original article in The Hindu.

Friday, April 7, 2017

India celebrates first Republic Day in 1950 - Video courtesy British Pathé


MS Dr Soekarno, President of Indonesia, alighting from aeroplane at Willingdon aerodrome and being greeted by Pandit Nehru, who introduces him to the Governor General Mr C Rajagopalachari. CU Madame Soekarno being greeted by Rajagopalachari and Indian woman, pan to back view Soekarno with garland round neck. MS elevated Nehru, Soekarno and others. Various interior shots of Durbar Hall showing people taking their places for the proclamation of the Republic ceremony. LS personalities walking to the platform. MS Mr Rajagopalachari introducing Dr Rajendra Prasad (the new President). MS Dr Prasad sitting down on throne.
Various shots of the assembly. MS as Dr Prasad and Rajagopalachari rise to their feet. Elevated MS the Presidential procession starts to leave the hall. MS Prasad and Rajagopalachari leaving hall. Various shots Indian Ministers taking the oath of office. MS Prasad and Nehru taking oath. CU a woman taking oath. MS Mr Rajagopalachari taking oath with Prasad in background. MS Dr Prasad shaking hands with Dr Soekarno. CU Dr Lamping Dutch Ambassador and wife being presented to Dr Prasad. MS Prasad shaking hands with the Holy See Internuncio, Mr Reverend Kierkels and the British High Commissioner, Sir Archibald Nye.

LS crowds gathered along route to Irwin stadium to see the President drive there. MS police controlling crowd. LS crowds. LS Cavalry in procession. LS elevated crowds. LS Dr Prasad arriving in open carriage. MS crowds lining route. LS back view Prasad driving in carriage. LS line of troops with guns firing in background. MS Ministers and diplomats sitting beneath the State insignia of three lions' heads. CU the three defence chiefs left to right Chief of the Navy, Sir William Parry, of the Air Force, Sir Thomas Elmhurst and General Cariapa of the Army.

LS the Presidential carriage comes to a halt in front of the stadium. MS the Indian flag being unfurled. LS flag flying with personalities grouped around it. MS the President on reviewing base saluting. MS naval unit marching past. LS the Gurkha rifles marching past, various shots Prasad on reviewing stand taking salute. LS Air Force Liberators flying in formation overhead, flag flying in foreground.

Thursday, April 6, 2017

Justice Markandey Katju on Jawaharlal Nehru

I was sitting with several close relatives recently, many of whom had occupied very high positions in the country, but were now retired. They all began strongly criticizing Jawaharlal Nehru, particularly over his handling of the Kashmir and China issue.

I decided not to say anything, particularly since they were my elders, and I remained quiet for a long time, until some of them insisted that I should express my opinion.

In my usual blunt manner I then said " What you people have said about Nehru only reveals the bankruptcy of your minds. Nehru is the political leader in modern times who should be most respected, but instead you are castigating him. "
This set off a lively discussion in which I stuck to my guns.
I pointed out that so far as Kashmir is concerned, several things must be kept in mind. Firstly, the situation was very fluid and topsy turvy at the time of Independence in 1947 and the Partition of India. Secondly, there were international pressures of the big powers , and our leaders were new at governance and lacked experience, because of which they were bound to make mistakes.

But does this mean that we should not see the positive contribution of Nehru ? They may be briefly summarized as follows :

1. Modernization of India by promoting science and technology.
The British policy was to keep India broadly unindustrialized, so that it may not become a rival to British industry. As a result our British rulers kept us broadly feudal and agricultural, which meant poverty for the masses..

Nehru's contribution in this field was to lay the foundation of a heavy industrial base in India, with steel plants, power projects, coal mining, chemical plants,etc. The further growth in the Indian economy was the consequence of that heavy industrial base.

Before India became independent in 1947, even safety pins had to be imported from England, because the British policy was that we should be dependent on their industrial products. Nehru aimed at import substitution, and the result has been that today we manufacture most of the products we use.

Also, agriculture was sought to be modernized by abolishing landlordism through the Zamindari Abolition Acts, setting up Agricultural Institutes, erecting dams for irrigation,etc.

Also, Nehru and his colleague Maulana Azad were determined to set up engineering and management colleges and technical institutes, as well as centres of scientific research and teaching. This led to the setting up of IITs, IIMs, CSIR, and other science and technology institutes and departments.
The Five Year Plans were aimed at steadily industrializing India to get rid of our poverty.

2. Nehru and his colleagues,including Sardar Patel, Maulana Azad, etc were determined that India will be a secular state, and not a theological one like Pakistan. They defended religious pluralism, and in a country of such diversity, rightly so,. This becomes evident when we see what is happening in Pakistan today, which has become a Jurassic Park.

3. Nehru and Azad laid great emphasis on education, including both primary education. and also institutes of higher learning.

4. Nehru's foreign policy of non alignment was the correct one, as we would have lost our independence if we had become too dependent on one super power.

5.Nehru respected institutions like Parliament, the judiciary, the administrative service, etc. and was a supporter of civil liberties and democracy, unlike his daughter Indira Gandhi who in her lust for power almost destroyed all of them, particularly after the judgment against her by the Allahabad High Court in 1975 holding her guilty of election misconduct, and the fake Emergency she imposed thereafter.

The recent attempts by some politicians to downplay Nehru's role and overemphasize that of Sardar Patel is wholly misplaced. Nehru and Patel had great respect for each other, and complemented each other. All major policy decisions, e.g. uniting the princely states with India were jointly taken by them, as well as other leaders like Azad. Hence to say that if Patel had been Prime Minister instead of Nehru,the Kashmir problem, and other problems would have been solved, is talking a lot of nonsense.

It is said that the sins of a man visit his next 7 generations. In Nehru's case, the sins of his daughter, grandson, grand daughter -in-law and great grandson are visiting him.

(You can read original article here from Justice Katju's blog)

Why was Jawaharlal Nehru selected as the first Prime Minister of India

PM Jawaharlal Nehru addresses the nation from Red Fort on Independence Day, August 15, 1947.

The simple reason as to why Nehru became PM was that he was, by far, the Congress’ most popular politician (after Gandhi, of course). Right from the 1937 provincial elections, Nehru was the party’s star campaigner, enthralling crowds with his Hindustani oratory. Patel had an iron grip on the Congress party itself but he was many miles behind Nehru as a popular leader. The Sardar himself conceded this: at a massively attended Congress rally in Mumbai, he told American journalist Vincent Sheean, “They come for Jawahar, not for me."

American journalist Vincent Sheean wrote in his book  Nehru: the Years of Power
To sum the whole matter up, Nehru may be somewhat less of a politician than the late Sardar Patel, who held the nationwide party organization in the palm of his hand. And yet even Patel knew the facts: "They come for Jawahar, not for me," he said of the immense crowds once in his own Bombay. It is also true that Nehru does not have time any more for the details of party work every day. But by and large there is no man in India with a keener political sense, as he has repeatedly shown in emergencies, or with a deeper sense of responsibility toward his own party in the democracy. If he finds wider and deeper sources than the party machine for his own strength, it is because his nature, and the people's, would have it thus: such sources are older than parties and will outlast them. In turn he supports his own party with all the energy thus acquired, and it has every reason to be grateful to him. What may happen in his absence is another matter, but so long as he is there the political equilibrium will be maintained.
Thus, in 1946, when the Viceroy formed his interim government, Nehru was, unsurprisingly, given the highest post. Later, on August 15, 1947, he naturally took office as prime minster, without the least opposition from anyone in the Congress. Patel served as Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister till his demise on 15 December 1950.

Other things to consider:

One, Gandhi was a highly intelligent man with a good grasp of the realities of India, and he was also a great strategist who planned India's struggle for independence. His foremost concerns were Truth, Non-Violence, Equality and Justice. It's unfortunate that the man who led the country to freedom is now criticized unfairly.

Two, Gandhi preferred Nehru because Nehru was a charismatic leader with a mass appeal. On top of that, Nehru was a great diplomat who could convince people to work with him even if they disagreed with him. And most importantly, Nehru was a man with piercing intelligence who was well aware of his own imperfections and strove to overcome them. Such moral character and extreme self-introspection, while present in other leaders, were all the more manifest in Nehru.

Three, Patel was much older whereas Nehru was a relatively young man. Anyway, Patel died in 1950, so even if Patel had been Prime Minister for three years, Nehru would have most likely succeeded him.

Four, from hindsight, Gandhi's choice for Prime Minister was perfect. Nehru provided a stabilizing force that Jinnah never provided to Pakistan, thereby, protecting a fledgling Indian state from falling apart in face of the enormous diversity of India. Besides, Nehru was also a proper democrat who, despite having so much power in his hands, ensured that the democratic process was followed. In other words, he didn't personalize the position of the Prime Minister like Indira Gandhi did. Under his rule, the democratic institutions of India could mature to the extent where even Indira Gandhi's excesses couldn't shake them. Compare that to Pakistan, where the institutions of the state were defined by the people who held them, thereby leading to instability and arbitrariness.

Gandhi - Patel Relationship:


Gandhi loved Jawaharlal, trusted Prasad, admired Rajaji, esteemed Azad. But Patel, he leaned on and laughed with. Patel regarded Gandhi as his mentor, his leader.
And yet he 'owned' an equation with the Mahatma that was special. Everyone laughs differently with different people. What Gandhi and Patel planned together, worked-at together, history has recorded. What they laughed over, only they knew.

Nehru - Patel Relationship:

Nehru and Patel were in fact not rivals but comrades and co-workers. They worked closely together in the Congress from the 1920s to 1947; and even more closely together thereafter, as prime minister and deputy prime minister in the first government of free India.
Independence and Partition, Nehru and Patel worked shoulder-to-shoulder in building a united and democratic nation.
Nehru and Patel shared a deep love of their country, an abiding commitment to its unity, and, not least, a sense that they owed it to the memory of their common Master, Mahatma Gandhi, to work together, and to work ferociously hard too. For, as AS Iyengar’s All Through the Gandhian Era, published in 1950 remarked: “Both are untiring workers, allowing themselves practically no rest, either physical or mental.”
Patel represented Indian nationalism's Hindu face, Nehru India's secular and also global face. Their partnership, necessary and fruitful for the country, was a solemn commitment that each made to the other.


Conspiracy Theories:

It is often imagined by the Indian Right that Patel was India's “rightful” first prime minster but was somehow cheated out of the position by Nehru. More recently, politician Subramanian Swamy had a more detailed take on the matter:
Gandhiji took a vote of Pradesh Congress Committee (PCC) presidents in 1946, and only one of the 16 PCC Presidents voted for Nehru. The other 15 voted for Sardar Patel. But Gandhiji asked Patel to withdraw in favour of Nehru for practical politics ‒ to hasten British departure.
This, as you may know, is an extremely popular tale on the internet. As you also might know, Pradesh Congress Committees voting to elect the prime minister is an absurd proposition ‒ a bit like Modi getting elected by BJP state units.
A variant of this conspiracy theory is that the Pradesh Congress Committees thought they were electing the Congress president (and not the prime minster). But the Congress president at the time of Independence somehow became prime minster (the exact process is never explained).
Problems here too: Pradesh Congress Committees don’t elect Presidents, delegates of the All India Congress Committee do. Moreover, Nehru was not the Congress President when India gained independence, JB Kripalani was. Tragically, no one informed Kripalani of this mechanism and he remained bereft of prime ministership right until his dying day.

The first cabinet of free India

When Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru formed first cabinet in 15 August, 1947 it included 13 other ministers apart from Nehru. These included the nationalist stalwarts Vallabhbhai Patel and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, as well as four congressmen of the younger generation.
More notable perhaps were the names of those who were not from the Congress.
These included two representatives of the world of commerce and one representative of the Sikhs. Three others were lifelong adversaries of the Congress.
These were R. K. Shanmukham Chetty, businessman who was one of the best financial minds in India.
Ambedkar, a brilliant legal scholar and a Dalit by caste.
Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, a leading Bengal politician who belonged to the Hindu Mahasabha. All three had collaborated with rulers While the congressmen served time in British jails.

Mahatma Gandhi had urged Nehru to form a cabinet that included the ablest men regardless of the party.
The first cabinet of free India was ecumenical in ways other than politically. Its members came from as many as 5 religious denominations with a couple of atheists and from all parts  of India. There was a woman, Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, as well as 2 Dalits.

Dr. Rajendra Prasad, President of India, seen with the Members of the Union Cabinet at Government House, New Delhi, on 31 January 1950, before the President drove in State to the Indian Parliament to deliver his first address.
(L to R sitting) Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, Rafi Ahmed Kidwai, Sardar Baldev Singh, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Jawaharlal Nehru, Dr. Rajendra Prasad, Sardar Patel, Dr. John Mathai, Shri Jagjivan Ram, Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, Dr. S.P. Mukerjee.
(L to R standing) Khurshed Lal, R.R. Diwakar, Mohanlal Saxena, Gopalaswami Ayyangar, N.V. Gadgil, K.C. Neogi, Jairamdas Daulatram, K. Santhanam, Satya Narayan Sinha and Dr. B. V. Keskar.
Date photo taken : 31 January 1950



PortfolioMinisterTook officeLeft officeParty
Prime Minister
Minister of External Affairs and Commonwealth Relations
Minister of Scientific Research
 Jawaharlal Nehru15 August 1947Second Nehru ministryINC
Deputy Prime Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel15 August 194715 December 1950[†]INC
Minister of Home Affairs and States Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel15 August 194715 December 1950[†]INC
 C. Rajagopalachari[6]26 December 195025 October 1951[RES]INC
 Kailash Nath Katju1951Second Nehru ministryINC
Minister of Information and Broadcasting Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel15 August 19471949INC
 R. R. Diwakar[7]194915 April 1952INC
Minister of Finance R. K. Shanmukham Chetty15 August 19471949INC
 John Mathai19491950[RES]INC
 C. D. Deshmukh1950Second Nehru ministryINC
Minister of Law B. R. Ambedkar[8]15 August 19471951[RES]SCF
Minister of Defence Baldev Singh15 August 1947Second Nehru ministryPanthic Party
Minister of Railways and Transport John Mathai15 August 194722 September 1948INC
 N. Gopalaswami Ayyangar22 September 1948Second Nehru ministryINC
Minister of Education Maulana Abul Kalam Azad15 August 1947Second Nehru ministryINC
Minister of Food and Agriculture Jairamdas Daulatram15 August 194715 April 1952INC
Minister of Industries and Supplies Syama Prasad Mookerjee15 August 19476 April 1950[RES]Hindu Mahasabha
Minister of Labour Jagjivan Ram15 August 194715 April 1952INC
Minister of Commerce Cooverji Hormusji Bhabha15 August 194715 April 1952INC
Minister of Communications Rafi Ahmed Kidwai15 August 194715 April 1952INC
Minister of Health Amrit Kaur15 August 194715 April 1952INC
Minister of WorksMines and Power Narhar Vishnu Gadgil15 August 194715 April 1952INC
Minister of Relief and Rehabilitation K. C. Neogy15 August 1947April 1950[RES]INC
Minister without portfolio N. Gopalaswami Ayyangar[9]15 August 194722 September 1948INC
 Mohanlal Saxena15 August 194715 April 1952INC
  •  Died in office
  • RES Resigned

The divide that never was - Sardar Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru relationship

Any Nehru-Patel differences have been deliberately exaggerated by partisan interests. In truth, they shared a close bond that overrode ...